Photo: Communist speakers at statue of Lenin in main square of Ekaterinburg, October 6, 2007. Not many people were listening.
March 30, 1999
Below is a copy of a letter I sent to President Yeltsin. There's been no response, but I know that the guy has been busy. Although he's been under medical care for most of the last month, he has stirred himself to action once or twice, firing people as usual.
When I wrote the letter, the prevailing problem seemed to be that nothing much was happening. Ah, those were the good old days!
Corruption scandals have reached the First Family, most notably Yeltsin's daughter Tatiana. And then, of course, there's the matter of the prosecutor general having been seen on television cavorting in the nude with two prostitutes (a piece of blackmail that didn't work because it simply showed the prosecutor as a macho guy). My own favorite story is the head of the Central Bank telling everyone "it's none of your business" what happened to $50 billion that was sent to the off-shore company called FIMACO. Since there's been no public indignation at any of these stories, I had begun to think that Russians are totally shock proof -- until I saw the massive outpouring of indignation over U.S.-led bombing of Serbia, a country of fellow Slavs.
I don't think I'll try again to give Yeltsin any advice.
February 26, 1999
The Honorable Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin
The Kremlin
Moscow, Russia
Dear President Yeltsin:
I am sending you this letter to explain my reasons for writing the enclosed document that is, in essence, a proposal in the form of a speech you might make if the ideas in it are acceptable to you.
My perspective is that of an outsider, specifically American, who is also an insider, because several years ago I chose to make Russia my home. I'm married to a wonderful Russian man, and for the last five years I've been teaching at Urals State Technical University.
Before I came to Russia, I read Against the Grain, the English language version of your memorable autobiography. I was glad that you had risen to the pinnacle of power at a most crucial moment in Russian history. And every day that I enter the doors of USTU, I pass the plaque which proudly proclaims, "Here Studied Boris Yeltsin, Elected by All the People - First President of Russia." These experiences make you a familiar figure to me in a personal way.
As I think about your place in history, I think about how I would want to be known if I were in your position. It might be presumptuous for me to think that way, yet I don't think that my ideas are outrageous. Here is the basis of them:
1. Russia has a fragile democracy which is in need of strengthening. There is an important element that seems to be missing today -- a feeling that ordinary citizens have a role in constructive change.
2. Among its many resources, Russia is blessed with having an educated population. Once informed about issues, citizens can be expected to make intelligent choices. They have already demonstrated convincingly their willingness to make sacrifices to bring about a better future.
3. The president has a significant power that isn't mentioned in the Constitution. It is the power to shape public debate, to define issues. This power is especially important when people feel uncertain and worried about the direction their country is going.
My proposal is this: for nationally televised public debates on fundamental problems troubling Russia today. The president would be the one to call for these debates and set their general framework. Each debate would feature representatives from the left and the right, and would include several people who could speak objectively about the root causes of the problem, and with expertise about what policies have been found to be useful in other countries dealing with similar issues. RTR could be given the responsibility of organizing the programs and gathering a panel of media professionals to question the debaters.
The programs would let Russian people decide for themselves which politicians have constructive ideas and which do not.
Personally I'm tired of the angry voices which shout accusations of blame. There's a large circle of quarreling politicians and business oligarchs and international heavyweights who point fingers at each other. The blame gets passed around and around in the circle, endlessly.
The proposed debates would focus attention on what could be done now. They would allow the Russian people to learn about policies that the Duma could put into law, and also learn about policies appropriate for action on the local level. There could be a groundswell of public opinion that would force politicians to listen if they want to be re-elected.
I'm proposing that these debates be held outside of Moscow for symbolic reasons. It's my sad assessment that Russian people tend to think of government as something that is done to them, not done by them. Having a regional audience for each debate would make it easier for members of the viewing audience to identify with the participants. It would also be useful to have a local person on the panel. But on the other hand, there may be technical difficulties with either satellite transmission or videotape production, and so it might be simpler to headquarter the debates in Moscow.
Would the debates be controversial? I hope so! The point is to get people talking, debating among themselves about the trade-offs that come with alternative courses of action. Whatever has happened in the past is past. The issue before us all today is: What choices will be made for the future?
Most respectfully yours,
Shirley Hayes Timasheva
PROPOSED SPEECH FOR BORIS YELTSIN
“My fellow citizens, there is much that has divided our people recently. We need to come back together and have a national dialog about the problems confronting us. I want to focus attention on three particular problems – inflation, organized crime, and, I must add, governmental corruption. Why these three? Because dealing with them is fundamental for dealing with other problems.
Imagine yourself in a rowboat, rowing as fast as you can to reach your goal. But there are three big holes in the bottom of the boat – crime and corruption and inflation. You must attend to these things in order to get to the place you want to be.
The first problem I want us to confront head on is the growing strength of organized crime. It is sucking wealth out of the economy in an often painful way. I also hate the mafia's effect on public morality. The international reputation of Russia has been affected by the image of these gangsters. What has been buried is the beauty and the strength of the soul of Russia, something which resides in every citizen who has pride in our heritage.
All too often it is said that “government is the biggest mafia.” When I hear that, I'm embarrassed. And I’m worried that there may be some truth to that. We have too many cases of large scale corruption, yet I also don’t like the corruption that comes with small bribes. Corruption occurs when a government official puts private interest above public interest. Corruption is therefore corrosive of public trust. It’s like an acid that eats away, day by day, at government function. A structure that is so weakened has difficulty holding together in times of great stress and strain.
Inflation is a problem that is making us feel weak and worried about our future. Inflation is especially cruel to pensioners and others on fixed income. It also inhibits us from rebuilding industry. And the longer inflation continues, the worse these problems become.
Here is how I want us to enter into a national dialog. I am calling for us to have a series of national televised debates on these three topics. The program organizers will seek out people who have constructive ideas on how to deal with the issue in question. We will examine the root causes of these problems, not just the results. If we understand the processes that feed the growth of these problems, we'll be better prepared to evaluate the effectiveness of proposals for change.
Although follow-up coverage by national media will be useful, I’ll be particularly interested in what local media do and say. Will they interview their own politicians on these topics? Will they search for their own local experts? Will they find out how various groups of ordinary citizens react?
We will be paying attention to the mood of the people in this country so that we know what the people really want. You can also be sure that your local politicians and members of the State Duma will be paying attention as well. They will want to know if voters will demand action, or can be satisfied with nice words.
The first debate will be one month from now. The second will be a week later, and the third will follow in the next week. Like you, we’ll be listening to what people on all sides have to say. I trust that you’ll support this plan.
Thank you, and good night.”
(Prepared by Shirley Hayes Timasheva)
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